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The Precedential Value of

Justice Powell’s Opinion
in

Regents of the University of California v. Bakke 438 US 265 (1978)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Alex Thorn

History 310

Mr. Chris Gurry

May 23, 2003

(Footnotes contain citations and, more importantly, additional information)

 

 

In Gratz, et al. v. Bollinger, No. 02-516, argued April 1, 2003, the Supreme Court will address the constitutionality of University of Michigan’s use of affirmative action in education for the first time in many years.  The “University of Michigan case”[1] has received great attention nationwide from education, corporate and government leaders because this case should finally resolve the controversy concerning the use of affirmative action to promote diversity in education.[2] The use of affirmative action for diversity in education was first endorsed legally by Justice Lewis Powell in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke [3] (hereinafter referred to as “Bakke”), a landmark case in affirmative action jurisprudence. In Bakke, Justice Powell wrote the “Opinion of the Court” although no other justice endorsed his opinion in full, and no “majority opinion” was ever written. [4] Given the unique posture of Justice Powell’s opinion in Bakke, its meaning and lasting precedential value have been widely debated among legal scholars.  It is likely that the Supreme Court will finally resolve the controversy concerning the significance of Justice Powell’s opinion in Bakke when it decides the University of Michigan case a few weeks from now.[5]

            In Regents of the University of California v. Bakke,[6] the court decided that race could be considered in university admissions. A white student, Allan Bakke, who had been rejected twice from the medical school at the University of California at Davis (hereinafter referred to as “U. Cal. Davis), filed suit against the university, claiming that the use of racial quotas was illegal. Bakke presented the Supreme Court its first opportunity to consider the merits of a white person’s challenge to the idea of affirmative action, [7] originally promoted by President Johnson in Executive Order 11246. And, because the issue of affirmative action was so controversial, the Supreme Court was split on the issue, initially with four votes opposed and four votes in favor. In fact, it was the final vote, cast by Justice Lewis Powell, which decided the case and set the precedent for which Bakke is known. Ultimately, Justice Powell decided that the use of "racial quotas" was illegal and that a university may only use affirmative action as a method to A) remedy past wrongdoings that the university itself had committed or B) to create/maintain diversity within its student body. However, since the decision in 1978, the precedential value of Powell's decision and his “diversity” argument have been called into question.

            Until 1978, when Bakke was heard by the Supreme Court, the only uses of affirmative action had been to remedy either “societal discrimination” or past discrimination committed by the entity practicing the affirmative action – remedial affirmative action. In his opinion, Justice Powell created a new branch of affirmative action – non-remedial[8] – and introduced the notion that an educational institution may practice affirmative action to maintain diversity within its student body. In fact, rather than approve of affirmative action for the idea of reparations, Powell based his opinion on his belief that diversity was a legitimate goal as an educational principle. To justify the fact that allowing race to be used as a way to maintain diversity would inherently discriminate against some non-minorities, and therefore would violate the “non-discrimination” principle of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 14th amendment, Powell concluded that diversity in education was a compelling enough government interest to supercede the non-discrimination principle. And, since he made that conclusion, the impact on American universities has been staggering: between 1988 and 1995, overall African American enrollment has increased by 30%, Hispanic enrollment by 50%.[9]

Since the Supreme Court decided Bakke, Powell’s introduction of the “diversity” notion has been the only non-remedial type of affirmative action practiced by educational institutions. Therefore, if the Supreme Court in the University of Michigan case were to decide that diversity was, in fact, not a compelling enough government interest to outweigh the non-discrimination principle in the 14th amendment and Title IV, all non-remedial affirmative action currently being practiced would be determined illegal.

            In Bakke, the Supreme Court examined the issue of affirmative action in the admissions process of the U. Cal. Davis medical school. The U. Cal. Davis medical school reserved 16 out of 100 seats in each class for "disadvantaged" minority students.  This "quota" system, keeping a certain number of spots open only for certain people, was, ultimately, ruled illegal by the Supreme Court. After being rejected twice from the medical school, a white student, Allan Bakke, filed suit in California state court, "challenging the constitutionality of the University's admissions process on the grounds that the school's consideration or race in the admissions process denied him his right to equal protection of the law and caused his rejection by the medical school."[10]

            Initially, there were four against the U.Cal. Davis Medical School program (Chief Justice Burger and Justices Stewart, Rehnquist, Stevens) and three in support of the program (Justices Marshall, Brennan and White). Later, Justice Blackmun cast his vote in favor of the University, bringing the overall vote to four in favor, four opposed, and leaving Justice Powell to cast the final vote and determine the outcome of the decision.[11]

            Powell’s opinion is often referred to as the “great compromise” because he provided the final vote that both solidified the decision, in favor of Allan Bakke (5-4) as well as to overturn the California Supreme Court’s prohibition of race consciousness under any circumstance.

            Powell played the role of "compromiser," ruling that Allan Bakke had to be admitted into the medical school, but not because affirmative action was illegal, but ruling instead that the process by which the U. Cal. Davis Medical School practiced affirmative action - filling racial quotas to remedy societal discrimination - was illegal. In order to arrive at this compromise that outlawed some but not all affirmative action programs, Powell had to make the clear distinction between using a "racial quota" and simply setting the goal to accept a certain number of minority, or disadvantaged students. Because using a quota intrinsically excluded some students from the right to one of a set number of seats, Powell stated that quota's were "inherently suspect"[12]  and could only be justified in certain “special” circumstances.

            Powell rejected two venerable arguments favoring affirmative action: that there was a need to provide role models for a subordinate group and that there was a need to remedy societal discrimination (reparations). Powell paid little attention to the "role model" argument, stating that it was merely a "subgoal" anyway. However, he delved deeply into the issue of affirmative action as a method to remedy societal discrimination.[13] In rejecting the argument of societal discrimination, Powell stated that "there is no principled basis for deciding which groups would merit 'heightened judicial solicitude' and which would not.... Those whose societal injury is thought to exceed some arbitrary level of tolerability then would be entitled to preferential classifications at the expense of individuals belonging to other groups."[14] Essentially, Powell argued that if you favor one group because of past injustices, the door is opened to "competing claims for 'remedial relief' for every disadvantaged group."[15] In fact, Powell’s dissatisfaction with favoring some minorities over others is what led him to the seminal “diversity” argument.

            Once Powell rejected the two previous points, he was only left to consider U. Cal. Davis Medical School’s argument that its program was justified as a way to obtain a diverse student body. This argument has worked in certain circumstances, such as when a school attempts to reverse a trend of a predominantly white student body[16], a concept known as “remedial diversification.” Justice Powell decided confidently that the right of U. Cal. Davis Medical School to decide the composition of its student body "clearly is a constitutionally permissible goal for an institution of higher education."[17] Later, Powell quoted former Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, also a former Harvard Law School professor and Supreme Court Justice, who, in Sweezy vs. New Hampshire[18] said that the right to decide "who may be admitted to study" was left to the universities themselves. The right of an institution to practice affirmative action in order to, as Powell said, “maintain a diverse student body,” has proved to be the only lasting argument in favor of affirmative action.

            Basing his position on the admissions processes at Princeton and his alma mater, Harvard, Powell stated that a university may take race into consideration as a "plus" factor, as long as one’s race or surname was not the only factor used to determine admission to the university. Powell explained that a student without the "plus" factor who "missed out on the last available seat"[19] would not have missed out solely based on his ethnic background. Rather, Powell continued, his missing out "would mean only that his combined qualifications, which may have included similar nonobjective factors, did not outweigh those of the other applicant,"[20] whose factors included the "plus" factor. Powell recognized that race may be taken into consideration, but only in the same fashion that other factors are used, such as geography and economic background. Essentially, Powell's opinion rested on his belief in the importance of academic freedom, even though he rejected Davis' claim that it had the right to determine the "best means to preserve or ensure its desired student diversity."[21] And, because Powell introduced the idea of diversity and rejected the role of reparation as a motive for affirmative action, Powell delegated authority to academic institutions to embrace all kinds of groups outside the mainstream and not just blacks and Native Americans, both of whom are understood to have been subject to generalized disadvantages. Perhaps Powell felt that other groups might be so defined in the future. Perhaps he feared shifting definitions of "generalized disadvantages." Or, perhaps he hoped that schools could "create" idealized diverse communities, even at the risk of compromising the integrity of the 14th Amendment. Regardless as to his motives, it was his opinion that became the precedent Bakke is known for.

Because Powell's vote was the deciding vote in favor of allowing some type of affirmative action and because his opinion was referred to as the "Opinion of the Court,” many people have treated his opinion as precedent for using diversity in university admissions programs.  Essentially, only because Powell's vote came last, his justification of Davis' admissions process became the precedent set.[22] Not only was Powell alone in his argument that a university has the right to use affirmative action in order to diversify/maintain diversity within its student body, but the word "diversity" wasn't even mentioned in the other two court opinions. Therefore, there has been much debate over whether or not Bakke really is the “landmark” case it is known as. For that reason, the validity and precedent of Powell's decision that Universities may use affirmative action only to diversify student bodies has been called into question many times, including the recent University of Michigan case.

In the University of Michigan case, the defendants have argued that the Opinion of the Court in Bakke explicitly states that using affirmative action as a means by which to maintain diversity in universities is legal. Essentially, the defendants argue that their program is no different than the one that Justice Powell determined acceptable in his "precedent setting" decision. Conversely, the plaintiffs have argued that, because the idea of using affirmative action in order to promote/maintain diversity was only mentioned in Powell's opinion and was not the opinion of the overall majority, no precedent had been set in terms of diversity. The plaintiffs cite Hopwood v. Texas[23] (hereinafter referred to as “Hopwood”) in which the Fifth Circuit decided held that the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment[24] "prohibited the University of Texas Law School from taking account of race as a factor in its admissions process."[25] In that case, the Fifth Circuit threw out Powell's notion that using affirmative action to maintain a diverse student body was legal, for it "was not a compelling state interest under the Equal Protection Clause."[26]  The defendant in the University of Michigan case, the university itself, has argued that, based on the Supreme Court standard doctrine of "stare decisis[27],” Powell’s decision in Bakke must be followed and the university must be allowed to continue to practice affirmative action to maintain a diverse student body.

            Because the University of Michigan case does not involve affirmative action programs designed to remedy past discrimination,[28] this case presents the Supreme Court with the opportunity to accept or reject Justice Powell’s diversity justification for affirmative action, and will determine the fate of non-remedial affirmative action. The Supreme Court could decide on the one hand that maintaining a diverse student body is never a compelling enough “government interest” to merit going against the non-discrimination described in the 14th amendment, and therefore rule that all non-remedial affirmative action in education is unconstitutional and illegal. [29] Or, the Supreme Court could find that diversity is a compelling government interest and conclude that the University of Michigan’s admissions process is constitutionally legal. Or alternatively, even if the Supreme Court endorses Powell’s diversity justification for affirmative action, the Court may follow that Powell’s conclusion that race may only be used as one objective factor out of many, and find that U. Michigan’s process is unconstitutional because it clearly awards more points to race than anything else.[30]

However, because there is so much debate over affirmative action and whether or not there is enough compelling government interest to outweigh the non-discrimination principles in Title VI and the 14th amendment, it is hard to know how the Supreme Court will interpret Bakke in assessing the University of Michigan case. In Smith v. University of Washington[31] the 9th Circuit court upheld Powell and accepted his opinion as the overall decision of the court because his was the most limited opinion within the majority, a law theory established in Marks v. United States.[32]  However, in Hopwood, the 5th Circuit rejected Powell’s notion of affirmative action as a means to maintain diversity because it was not a “narrowest” view of the majority[33], rather, “diversity had nothing to do with the remediation of past discrimination.”[34] Essentially, the 5th Circuit overruled Powell’s notion of educational diversity in Texas because his idea of affirmative action to maintain diversity was not the majority opinion of the Court; rather, Powell was alone in his opinion. A similar split of opinion has occurred in the federal district courts addressing the affirmative action program in the University of Michigan case. [35] On the one hand, in Gratz v. Bollinger[36], the Federal District Court upheld Powell’s precedent that a “university could consider race as factor in student selection, in order to further [the] objective of obtaining diversity in [the] student body.”[37] While, in the Federal District Court case against the University of Michigan Law School’s admissions program, Grutter v. Bollinger[38], a different District Court rejected the argument that Powell’s opinion was precedential because his was the narrower view, stating that the remedial rationale and Powell’s diversity rationale are “completely different rationales, neither one of which is subsumed by the other.”[39]

            Ultimately, the future of non-remedial affirmative action in our educational institutions comes down to one question: Is achieving/maintaining diversity[40] in our universities a compelling enough government interest to supercede the principle behind non-discrimination in the 14th amendment?[41] Powell said that it was, but only if all races and diversification factors were included; racial diversity was not enough.[42] However, because there is dispute over whether Powell’s decision truly holds any precedential value, the importance of his opinion on whether using affirmative action to maintain diversity is a compelling government interest is debatable at best.[43] Whether or not the Supreme Court concludes that Justice Powell’s opinion has any precedential value using a Marks analysis may be immaterial, however.  Ultimately, the outcome of the University of Michigan case will necessarily turn on, at least partially, each Justice’s moral view of affirmative action.[44] No matter what the Supreme Court decides in the University of Michigan case, Justice Powell’s contribution to the affirmative action debate[45] has been tremendously important because his lone opinion is what has allowed the debate to continue for the past twenty-five years, while the opinions of the other Justices would have ended that debate, one way or another.[46]

 

 

 

 

 

 

INDEX OF CASES CITED/MENTIONED

 

 

Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200 (1995)

 

City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson, 488 U.S. 469 (1989)

 

DeFunis v.  Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312 (1974)

 

Gratz, et al. v. Bollinger, No. 02-516 (2002>) *Supreme Court case that isn’t yet decided

 

Gratz, et al. v. Bollinger, 122 F.Supp.2d 811 (E.D.Mich. 2000)

 

Grutter v. Bollinger, No. 02-241 (2002>) *Supreme Court case that isn’t yet decided

 

Grutter v. Bollinger, 137 F.Supp.2d 821 (E.D.Mich. 2001)

 

Hopwood v. Texas, 78 F. 3d (5th Cir.), cert. denied, 116 S. Ct. 2581 (1996)

 

Luther Church-Missouri v. FCC et al. Wessman, 160 F. 3d (3rd Cir. 1998)

 

Marks v. United States, 430 U.S. 188 (1977)

 

Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC, 487 U.S. 547 (1990)

 

Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 US 265 (1978)

 

Smith v. University of Washington, 233 F. 3d 1188 (9th Cir. 2000)

 

Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 312 (1957)

 

United States v. City of Miami, 614 F. 2d 1322 (5th Cir. 1980)

Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, 476 U.S. 267(1986)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Law Journals / Reviews

Boston College Law Rev., “Affirmative Action in Higher Education,” by Jack Greenburg, May 2002

 

Boston College Law Rev., “Many Billions Gone: Is it time to remember the case of Black reparations?” by A. Westly, December 1998

 

Boston Public Law Journal (BULAW), “Justice Lewis Powell, Jr.: A Pragmatic Relationist, Fall 1998

 

Brigham Young University Law School, “The Wages of Taking Bakke seriously: Federal Judicial oversight of the Public University Admissions.” 2001

 

Brigham Young University Education and Law Journal, “The Role of Public Opinion in Constitutional Interpretation.” James G Wilson 1993

 

Brooklyn Law Rev., “How the Supreme Court is dealing with precedents in Constitutional Cases.” Kelso, Fall 1996.

 

University of Chicago Legal Forum, “Thoughts on Bakke and It’s Effect in Race Conscious Decision-Making.” Michael Rosman, 2002.

 

Fordham Urban Law Journal, “Education Law and Policy: The Education Justice: The Honorable Lewis Franklin Powell, Jr.” Professor Dodd, December 2001

 

George Washington Law Rev., “DC Circuit Review: Affirmative Action: From Bakke On…” June 1990

 

Georgetown Law Journal, “The Constitutional Implications of Race Neutral Affirmative Action.” Kim Forde-Marrin, August 2000.

 

Georgetown Law Journal, “Essay: Life of Bakke: An Affirmative Action Retrospective,” Michael Selnir, April 1999.

 

Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Rev., “Affirmative Action in Higher Education. The Dirversity Rationale…” Goodwin Liu, Summer 1998

 

Harv. Civ. Rights-Civ. Liberties 381, 395 n. 66 (1998)

 

Harvard Law Rev., “A Memoriam: Lewis F. Powell.” January 1999

 

Harvard Law Rev., “Educational Diversity No Longer Compelling in Hopgood v. Texas 78F3d932 (5th circ.)…” January 1997

 

Harvard Law Rev., “Tribute to Justice Lewis Powell,” December 1987

 

University of Indiana Law Journal, “Affirmative Action in Higher Education: Lessons and Directions from the Supreme Court.” Fall 1996

 

Journal of Law and Education, “Diversity in the Halls of Academia: Bye, Bye Bakke.” Daniel and Timer, April 2002

 

Journal of Law and Education, “Perpetuating Inequality: Plessy v. Ferguson and The Dilemma of Black Access to Public and Higher Education,” Henry, January 1998

 

Kentucky Law Journal, “Diversity in University Admission Programs.” Raines, 2002

 

Wayne State University Law Journal and Law In Society, “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Meaning of Equality and the Cultural Politics of Memory…” Busheas, Winter 2002

 

Books

 

Ball, Howard. The Bakke Case: Race, Education and Affirmative Action Zoo. Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2000.

 

Spann, Girardeau. The Law of Affirmative Action: 25 Years of Supreme Court Decisions on Race and Remedies. New York: New York University Press, 2000.

 

Wilkinson, J. Harvie.  From Brown to Bakke: The Supreme Court and School Integration. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.

 

 

COPYRIGHT © 2003, ALEX THORN AND THE TRUSTEES OF PHILLIPS ACADEMY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

 

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[1]  The Gratz case concerns the undergraduate admissions program at University of Michigan.  Grutter v. Bollinger, No. 02-241, was also argued before the Supreme Court on the same day, and concerns the law school admissions program at University of Michigan. The cases are identical, except for the school to which they directly refer and, therefore, are being treated as one case in the Supreme Court. The case does not have a Supreme Court citation number yet, because it has not been decided on. However, the undergraduate case is referred to as Gratz v. Bollinger, Jennifer Gratz and Patrick Hamacher being the plaintiffs and Lee Bollinger, James J. Duderstadt and the Board of Regents of the University of Michigan being the defendants.

[2] See for example Schmidt, Peter, “Hundreds of Groups Back U. of Michigan on Affirmative Action,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, Vol. 49 Issue 25, February 28, 2003.

[3] 438 US 265 (1978)

[4] In Bakke, the nine justices produced six different written opinions, none of which was endorsed by a majority of the justices.

[5] The Bakke opinion was delivered by the Supreme Court on June 28, 1978.  It is likely that the opinion in the University of Michigan case will similarly be issued in June before the Supreme Court breaks for the summer.  (I learned about when the Supreme Court breaks from my mother, Andrea Papp Thorn, a former lawyer and graduate of Harvard Law School)

[6] 438 US 265 (1978)

[7] The Supreme Court heard an earlier case regarding affirmative education in education, DeFunis v.  Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312 (1974) but declined to decide the legality of affirmative action because it was a moot point. The Bakke case offered the Court the next opportunity to decide the question on the merits.

 

 

[8] Non-remedial affirmative action refers to any kind of affirmative action whose goal is not to correct past discrimination, societal or personal, such as Powell’s suggestion that affirmative action in order to maintain diversity in education is a compelling government interest. 

[9] Bale, Albert. The Bakke Case, 201-204

[10] Selmi, Michael, “The Life of Bakke.” 84 Georgetown Law Rev. 981 (1999)

[11] In fact, both Powell and Blackmun both favored the kind of affirmative action plan used by Harvard University, even though Blackmun still voted in favor of the U.Cal. Davis Medical School program. Not surprisingly, both Justices were Harvard graduates.

[12] Selmi, Michael, “The Life of Bakke.” 84 Georgetown Law Rev. 996 (1999)

[13] Societal Discrimination, commonly referred to as "reparations for slavery" has been legal in certain circumstances, such as in Brown v. Board of Education, the decision of which integrated schools. Note that in contrast, Justices Brennan, Blackmun, White and Marshall would have allowed affirmative action as a remedy for societal discrimination.  This view was definitively rejected by the Supreme Court in Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, 476 U.S. 267(1986).

[14] Bakke, 438 U.S. at 296-297

[15] Croson, 488 U.S. at 505

[16] For example, if a previously female institution decided to become coed, as did Skidmore University in New York, it would be acceptable to discriminate against women in admissions in order to equalize the student body and accept more men than women. Similarly, if a school was predominantly white and wanted to integrate, it would be acceptable to discriminate temporarily against whites in an act of remedial diversification.

[17] Bakke, 438 U.S. 312

[18] 354 U.S. 234, 263

[19] 438 U.S. 318

[20] Id.

[21] Vol. 87, No. 4, Georgetown Law Rev., p999

[22] Theoretically, Powell’s opinion should have no more legal standing or precedential value than that of one of the dissenting justices, but because he also agreed with the four justices to let Bakke into the school (the primary reason for the case), he was grouped with that majority as well and, therefore, was given the opportunity for his opinion to be the “Opinion of the Court.”

[23] 78 F. 3d (5th Cir.), cert. denied, 116 S. Ct. 2581 (1996)

[24] U.S. CONST. amend. XIV, Section 1.

[25] Vol. 29, No. 1, Texas Tech Law Review, pg. 2, 1998.

[26] Id.

[27] Pronounced "starry" "de-cease-ease" A principle commonly followed by the Supreme Court in which the court must follow prior case decisions, unless  they are overruled... Discussions with my mom, Andrea Papp Thorn, regarding equal protection under the law. My mom is a graduate of Harvard Law School and former lawyer.

[28] The idea of affirmative action to “remedy past discrimination” or “societal discrimination” is not an issue will not be addressed in this case because the defendant, University of Michigan, has not made any claim to have been practicing affirmative action for any remedial cause.

[29] According to Goodwin Liu, writing for the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review, “the case law suggests that five sitting Justices – Rehnquist, O’Connor, Kennedy, Scalia, and Thomas – might find the diversity rationale constitutionally impermissible under ‘strict scrutiny.’” (Liu, Goodwin, “Affirmative Action in Higher Education: The Diversity Rationale and the Compelling Interest Test.” 33 Harvard Civ. Rights-Civ. Liberties 381, 395 n. 66 (1998). In fact, many people think that O’Connor could possibly swing either way. However, in her dissenting opinion in Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v FCC (487 U.S. 547 (1990)), O’Connor concludes that “modern equal protection doctrine has recognized only one such interest: remedying the effects of racial discrimination.” It becomes fairly obvious that Justice O’Connor would not support any type of affirmative action other than those which “remedy the effects of racial discrimination,” leaving her pretty firmly against U. Michigan.

[30] The University of Michigan practices affirmative action under a point system. In the system, a student of color receives 20 points because of his race, while things like charisma, geographic diversity, athletic ability and extracurricular involvement each merit only 5 or fewer points.

[31] 233 F.3d 1188 (9th Cir. 2000)

[32] 430 U.S. 188 (1977) – This precedent provided a way to determine whose opinion would become the precedent of the case in cases when “a fragmented Court decides a case and no single rationale explaining the result enjoys the assent of five Members who concurred in the judgment on the narrowest grounds.” In cases where there was a majority, but one member of that majority had a more limited opinion on the majority opinion, that limited opinion would become the precedent.

[33] For a thoughtful discussion arguing that the Hopwood court used faulty analysis to conclude that diversity is not a compelling government interest, see “Higher Education Admissions and Diversity,” by S. Kierkelie (38 Williams L. Rev. 615, 645-648)

[34] Bloom, Lackland, “Hopwood, Bakke and the Future of the Diversity Justification.” 29:1 Texas Tech Law Rev. 31 (1998)

[35] Both courts applied the Supreme Court’s ruling in Marks v. United States to determine whether Powell’s opinion was the narrowest.

[36] 122 F.Supp.2d 811 (E.D.Mich. 2000)

[37] Id.

[38] 137 F.Supp.2d 821 (E.D.Mich. 2001)

[39] 137 F.Supp.2d at 847

[40] “It may be that the Hopwood panel is correct and that, were the Court to address the question today, It would hold that diversity is not a sufficiently compelling interest to justify a race-based clarification. It has not done so yet, however, and we are not prepared to make such a declaration in the absence of a clear signal that we should.” The Wessman Case, Lutheran Church-Missouri v. FCC et al. Wessman, 160 F3d790, 796 (1998), as discussed in “Diversity in the Halls of Academia: Bye-Bye Bakke” by Ernat Phillips.” (31 Journal Law & Education 149 (2002).

[41] “The tension in Bakke stems from the 14th Amendment itself. The dominant, universal principle of that amendment would make suspect any consideration of race.” Calabresi, Guido, “Bakke: Lost Candor.” New York Times, 1978.

[42] Blacks and other select minorities could not be the only ones receiving benefits from Affirmative action. All races, geography, even political background should be taken into consideration.

[43] In fact, because Bakke was so fragmented in its opinions and the precedent is so unclear, even Federal Courts have had a tough time sifting through the precedential value of the case. “We frankly admit that we are not entirely sure what to make of the various Bakke opinions. In over one hundred and fifty pages of United States Reports, the Justices have told us mainly that they have agreed to disagree.” United States v. City of Miami, 614 F. 2d 1322, 1337 (5th Cir. 1980)

[44] For example, Justice Scalia, currently serving on the Supreme Court, has stated that government can never have a compelling interest in discriminating on the basis of race in order to “make up” for past racial discrimination in the opposite direction. “Under the Constitution there can be no such thing as a creditor or a debtor race. We are just one race in the eyes of the government.” Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200 (1995) (J. Scalia concurring)

[45] “[Bakke’s] real meaning is that we are dealing with a complex problem whose outer contours can be drawn by judges but whose resolution lies within a wide spectrum of moral and practical choices to be made by ourselves, choices that must consider not only individual rights but the health of the society within which those rights are asserted.” Paul Freund in “Bakke: The Choices That Remain,” N.Y. Times.

[46] “[Bakke’s] real meaning is that we are dealing with a complex problem whose outer contours can be drawn by judges but whose resolution lies within a wide spectrum of moral and practical choices to be made by ourselves, choices that must consider not only individual rights but the health of the society within which those rights are asserted.” Paul Freund in “Bakke: The Choices That Remain,” N.Y. Times.